Tarekat and
tarekat teachers in Madurese
society
Martin van Bruinessen
The
tarekat, Muslim mystical brotherhoods, have played an important but
almost undocumented part in Madurese society. The information in the
pre-independence Dutch literature hardly does more than mention their names
(Schrieke 1919, 1920), while recent ethnographic studies (Jordaan 1985,
Mansurnoor 1990, de Jonge 1988, Touwen-Bouwsma 1988) give us no more than
tantalizing glimpses of the existence and possibly still increasing importance
of the tarekat. There is also a dearth of other written sources on the subject.
Very few Madurese tarekat teachers have ever written anything on their
brotherhoods (the most prolific and informative of them, Habib Muhsin Aly
Alhinduan, was significantly not a Madurese himself but a Madura-based Arab
teacher). A controversy among the Madurese of Java's Eastern Salient that
involved the Tijaniyah tarekat has in recent years received some national press
coverage, as did over a decade earlier a conflict around the colourful Kiai
Musta'in Romly of Jombang, a Madurese by descent and until then the most
influential teacher of the Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah brotherhood in East Java
and Madura. Apart from this, there is some 'common knowledge' concerning the
importance of the tarekat among the Madurese, shared by numerous interested
Indonesians but rarely if ever written down.
This paper has modest aims: to make a preliminary inventory of the tarekat and
the chief tarekat teachers active among the Madurese, to sketch the development
of these tarekat, to highlight a few traits that appear to distinguish the
Madurese tarekat followers from those of other ethnic groups, and finally to
explain the tarekat-related conflicts already hinted at, locating them in the
wider political setting. Not having done fieldwork in Madura for any
appreciable length of time myself, I shall have to refrain from more ambitious
analyses. My major source of information consists of interviews with Madurese
teachers and followers of tarekat and with a few other knowledgeable
informants, and many things may have escaped me that a long-time observer on
the spot would have noticed as a matter of course. On the other hand, I shall
not restrict my discussion to the island of Madura alone but take the Madurese
of eastern Java, Jakarta and West Kalimantan into account as well.
Three
tarekat are at present conspicuously active among the Madurese: the Naqsyabandiyah,
the Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah and the Tijaniyah.[1]
The last of these has recently experienced considerable progress, apparently to
some extent at the expense of the second. I would not dare to make an estimate
of the number of followers of each, but have the impression that the
Naqsyabandiyah is still the most widespread, followed now by the Tijaniyah.
This represents a clear change from the situation three quarters of a century
ago, when Schrieke made enquiries on the same subject. His informants told him
that the Qadiriyah (they probably meant the Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah) had
'very many' followers and the Naqsyabandiyah few, while the Syattariyah
- the tarekat that had always accommodated itself most easily to local
traditions and beliefs - also boasted a following in Madura, though not a very
numerous one (Schrieke 1919). The present situation then would, at first sight,
seem to reflect a shift towards stricter orthodoxy. The Naqsyabandiyah,
especially the branch that spread to Madura, is known to be more syari`ah-oriented
than most other tarekat, and the Tijaniyah, while often criticized for certain
controversial beliefs, has in practice much in common with Islamic reformist
movements.
Both
the Naqsyabandiyah and the Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah first entered Madura
around the turn of the century; the Tijaniyah came a few decades later. It is
possible that the Qadiriyah proper had been present in Madura before. There was
at least, like in many parts of the Archipelago, a well-established cult of its
patron saint `Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani (Asmoro 1926:252; cf. van Bruinessen
1989). We have, however, no other concrete piece of information to go by, no
names of teachers or of centres of the Qadiriyah brotherhood, no indication of
the rituals associated with the tarekat. The same is true of the Syattariyah;
it is possible that there still is a Syattari teacher somewhere in Madura or
Madurese-inhabited East Java, but if so he does not have a large following. The
influence of Syattari mystical ideas may live on because of this tarekat's
gradual merging into the complex of popular Madurese mystical-magical
practices, but anything specific to Syattari spirituality may be hard to
disentangle from this complex whole. Yet another tarekat has apparently left
its traces in Madurese popular culture, although it does not exist as a
distinct brotherhood among the Madurese now (if it ever did). The popular
entertainments called ratep (Ar. ratib) and samman (cf
Bouvier 1989:217, 221-2) may both be derived from the rituals of the Sammaniyah
brotherhood, which became popular in many parts of the Archipelago in the late
18th and early 19th century. Similar entertainments of the same name exist in
Aceh and Banten; they are commonly attributed to a previous presence of the
Sammaniyah there (Snouck Hurgronje 1894:220-5).[2]
A
rare and valuable glimpse of spiritual life in West Madura in the late 19th
century is to be found in the diary of the Javanese aristocrat and mystic Mas
Rahmat, who spent several months in Bangkalan in the 1880s (Kumar 1985). He
relates his encounters with kiai and santri and boasts how he impressed them by
his knowledge and his spiritual accomplishments. Mas Rahmat was himself a
devotee of Syaikh `Abd al-Qadir (he recommends recitation of the saint's manaqib,
hagiography, for psychotherapeutic purposes), but he does not comment upon any
special veneration for this saint in Madura, let alone on activities associated
with the Qadiriyah. Nor does he mention any other tarekat by name.
The excerpts from Mas Rahmat's diary published by Ann Kumar bring out clearly
the Madurese penchant for kesaktian, magical-spiritual 'power'. The most
senior of all Madurese kiai, according to Mas Rahmat, was one Kiai Labang
Muhammad Usman Kilan Banawi, commonly known as Kiai Sepuh. This kiai was,
significantly, not a teacher of kitab, scholastic texts, but a tarekat
teacher and he acted as the Ratu's spiritual preceptor (Kumar 1985:61).
Mas Rahmat does not mention the name of the tarekat taught by Kiai Labang. It
may well be that he did not mean a specific tarekat, such as those mentioned
above, but referred to mystical-magical exercises in general. Our author also
remains silent on the sort of exercises and mystical knowledge that this Kiai
Labang dispensed. The name of Kiai Labang does not occur in any of my later
sources, written or oral; he does not appear to have made a lasting impact -
unless by this name Mas Rahmat referred to none other than the famous Kiai
Kholil.
The earliest Madurese kiai who is still remembered and venerated by the present
generation was Kiai Mohammad Kholil of Bangkalan, who died in or around 1925 but
already led a pesantren at the time of Mas Rahmat's visit. Numerous Madurese
and East Javanese kiai consider him their intellectual and spiritual ancestor
because their teachers, teachers' teachers, or yet earlier generations studied
in his pesantren. The most prominent among the founders of the Nahdlatul Ulama
all had studied at the feet of Kiai Kholil. This may have made his posthumous
fame greater than it was in his lifetime. He had studied in Mecca in the 1860s,
and returned to Madura a master of the esoteric as well as the exoteric
sciences. Pious legends about his extraordinary behaviour abound; he was
considered a wali, a saint, and a man of great mystical and magical
powers. This makes him remarkably similar to the Kiai Labang mentioned by Mas
Rahmat. He appears, however, not to have been affiliated with a tarekat in
spite of his mystical reputation.[3]
It must have been around the same time, however, during the 1880s at the
latest, as we gather from external sources, that the tarekat Qadiriyah wa
Naqsyabandiyah started gaining a foothold among the Madurese, although it took
some time before there was a teacher of this tarekat resident in the island
itself.
The Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah
The
Qadiriyah and the Naqsyabandiyah have existed side by side as distinct mystical
brotherhoods, with quite different traditions and spiritual techniques, since
the 14th century. There have been numerous mystics who were initiated into both
brotherhoods; some practised the exercises of both tarekat consecutively or
alternatingly, others gave precedence to one over the other. The Qadiriyah wa
Naqsyabandiyah, however, is for all purposes a new, separate tarekat, in which
selected techniques from the Naqsyabandiyah are combined with others from the
Qadiriyah and handed down as a single package. This includes various forms of
silent meditation usually associated with the Naqsyabandiyah and the loud dzikir
of the Qadiriyah (consisting of rhythmic recitation of the formula la ilaha
illa'llah, 'there is no god but God'). One joins this tarekat in a single
initiation instead of undergoing separate initiations by a Naqsyabandi and a
Qadiri mursyid. This particular composite tarekat has, to my knowledge,
only found a following in Indonesia, but similar ones are found throughout the
Islamic world.[4]
The apparent founder of this new tarekat - or at least the first person to
propagate it among Indonesians - was the Indonesian mystic Ahmad Khatib
al-Sambasi, who hailed from Sambas in West Borneo but lived and taught in Mecca
in the mid-19th century. He initiated numerous fellow Southeast Asians into his
tarekat, which soon replaced the Sammaniyah as the most popular brotherhood in
the Archipelago. The core of his teachings - instructions for the various
rituals and meditational techniques - was laid down in a simple Malay booklet
titled Fath al-`arifin, that was edited by a trusted disciple.[5]
Ahmad Khatib appointed several khalifah, deputies, of whom the most
respected and most widely known was Abdul Karim of Banten, who succeeded to the
supreme leadership of the brotherhood after the master's death, around 1878.
Abdul Karim is often mentioned in the colonial literature, mainly in
connnection with the Banten rebellion of 1888, in which many followers of his
tarekat were involved. There were in his time several other khalifah of
the same tarekat in Mecca, and several more in various parts of the
Archipelago. No written record appears to have kept of the khalifah whom
Ahmad Khatib and Abdul Karim appointed, and it is only by coincidence that we
know the names of some of them. Virtually all present Indonesian khalifah
- I am aware of only one exception - trace their spiritual ancestry either
through Syaikh Abdul Karim or through one of two contemporaries, Syaikh Tolhah
of Cirebon or the Madurese Kiai Ahmad Hasbullah bin Muhammad. The tarekat at
present consists roughly of three branches, affiliated with these three deputies
of Ahmad Khatib.[6]
Abdul Karim, however, was during his lifetime recognized as the central head of
the tarekat by all other khalifah and followers - with one exception,
the Madurese. The Dutch consul in Jeddah reported in 1888 that Syaikh Abdul
Karim was generally recognized as the highest authority, 'except by the
Madurese, who have their own syaikh in the person of the Madurese Abdoelmoeti
(`Abd al-Mu`thi), who also resides in Mecca.'[7]
By the end of the 19th century, therefore, the Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah had
enough Madurese followers to be noticed by a Dutch official observer. Strong
primordial loyalties, moreover, caused these Madurese tarekat followers to
organize themselves separately, under a fellow Madurese syaikh. There were
apparently even two Madurese khalifah of the Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah
in Mecca, the other being the said Ahmad Hasbullah. The latter's spiritual
descendants insist on his being a resident of Mecca and a direct khalifah
of Ahmad Khatib, but certain inconsistencies suggest that he may in fact have
belonged to a younger generation.[8]
We know nothing of the organization of the tarekat in Madura itself, not even
the names of the first khalifah active in the island. Schrieke was told
in 1919, as said above, that the Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah had a 'very
numerous' following, but mentions only Kiai Zainal Abidin of Kwanyar as a
syaikh of this tarekat (1975[1920]:311n). Since the same kiai also figures
prominently in the silsilah of the rival tarekat Naqsyabandiyah (see
below), even this bit of information is doubtful although not necessarily
incorrect.[9]
The only Madurese teachers of this tarekat about whom we have slightly more
information are those affiliated with the pesantren of Rejoso in Jombang (East
Java). This pesantren had been established around the turn of the century by
the Madurese Kiai Tamim, originating from Bangkalan. When his son-in-law and
first successor as head of the pesantren, Muhammad Kholil alias Juremi,[10]
made the pilgrimage, in the early 20th century, he met with Ahmad Hasbullah bin
Muhammad, who initiated him into the Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah and made him
his khalifah. Since then Rejoso has been gradually growing in importance
as a centre of the tarekat. Towards the end of his life, Kholil passed the
mantle to his younger brother-in-law Romly bin Tamim, a son of the pesantren's
founder. Kiai Romly, who had earlier shown considerable scepticism towards the
tarekat, became a very effective propagator and attracted disciples from all
over East Java and Madura. By the time of his death in 1958 they numbered in
the tens of thousands; most of them were Javanese, smaller but still
considerable numbers were Madurese.
In order to supervise this large following, Kiai Romly established a network of
local deputies, known as badal. The badal are authorized to give
basic instruction to the tarekat followers and to lead the regular dzikir
meetings, but unlike the khalifah, they are not allowed to initiate new
disciples. It is unclear whether Kiai Romly actually authorized any khalifah
to initiate new followers or whether all had to take their first initiation
from Romly himself. After his death, however, two of his favourite disciples
acted as syaikhs in their own right and competed with his son Musta'in Romly
for succession: Kiai Usman bin Nadi al-Ishaqi in the Sawahpulo district of
Surabaya and Kiai Ma'shum of Tanggulangin (Sidoarjo). The latter died two years
later, but Kiai Usman gradually strengthened his position as the leading
teacher of the tarekat. Kiai Musta'in, who had not taken sufficient training in
the tarekat from his father, had to acknowledge Kiai Usman's superiority by
accepting the latter's guidance for a limited period of time. Later Kiai
Musta'in, who had the benefit of his descent, established a firm position for
himself, but he never entirely overshadowed Kiai Usman. The two appear to have
reached an understanding whereby they divided the tarekat's followers among
themselves more or less along geographical lines. A certain amount of
competition apparently remained, but this was probably more due to the
followers than to the teachers themselves.[11]
Both Musta'in Romly and Usman al-Ishaqi had devoted followers and badal
among the Madurese (both were of Madurese descent themselves, though Javanese
speaking). During the 1960's Kiai Usman also had a khalifah or badal
on the island of Bawean, which is culturally related to Madura. Four villages
there, as Vredenbregt observed (1968:44), practised the Qadiriyah wa
Naqsyabandiyah under the leadership of this khalifah, while the other
kiai in the island were strongly opposed to the tarekat. Whenever possible, the
tarekat followers of the island would visit Kiai Usman in Surabaya on the
occasion of the monthly readings of the manaqib of Syaikh `Abd al-Qadir
al-Jilani.[12]
By 1970, Kiai Musta'in Romly was arguably the most charismatic and influential
tarekat kiai of East Java and Madura, the centre of a network of eighty badal
and an estimated following of fifty thousand. He lost much of that position
again as the result of an impopular political choice he made, allying himself
with Golkar at a time when almost all other kiai considered support of the
Nahdlatul Ulama (in the 1971 elections) and later the United Development Party
(PPP, in 1977 and 1982) a religious obligation. An alliance of other ulama,
apparently orchestrated by ulama from the pesantren of Tebuireng, also in
Jombang, agitated against Kiai Musta'in and succeeded in drawing a large
proportion of his followers away from him and into the orbit of another tarekat
teacher. The scope of this paper does not allow me to discuss this controversy
in detail;[13]
I shall only draw attention here to a few relevant background data.
The Jombang district is, in many respects, the centre of Javanese (and
Madurese) traditional Islam. It boasts four of the most famous and prestigious
pesantren, at Tebuireng, Tambakberas, Denanyar and Rejoso, respectively. The
first three Rois of the Nahdlatul Ulama, who presided over that
organization from its establishment in 1926 until 1980, were affiliated with
the first three of these pesantren (in that order). Rejoso was never given a
leading position within the NU; Kiai Musta'in's choice for Golkar may have been
inspired not only by the generous awards he was offered (a grant of land and
support in establishing his own university on it) but also by a sense of being
discriminated against by his colleagues.
The reason why the Rejoso kiai never became part of the inner circle of the NU
is not immediately obvious. They were Madurese whereas the others were
Javanese, and they were tarekat kiai while the others did not follow, or even
objected to, tarekat. These two factors alone, however, can hardly have been
decisive. Ethnicity does not play an important part in the East Javanese
pesantren world. All four pesantren attract Madurese students as well as
Javanese; Tebuireng is, in fact, much more popular among the Madurese than
Rejoso. Through his tarekat network, however, Kiai Romly and later Kiai
Musta'in reached a much larger following than any of the other kiai, and they
were at times accused of preferring quantity over quality and neglecting the
proper education of their disciples in the canonical obligations.
However that may be, Kiai Musta'in's insubordination - his desertion of the NU
for Golkar - was punished, and the initiative for this punishment came from
Tebuireng. A kiai associated with this pesantren, Adlan Ali, who had previously
practised the tarekat but was not a khalifah, was put forward as the
alternative to Musta'in Romly. He took training from another tarekat kiai in
Central Java, Kiai Muslikh of Mranggen, and was appointed as the latter's khalifah
to East Java.[14]
Within a few years time, tens of badal, canvassed by the NU's political
activists, transferred their allegiance from Kiai Musta'in to Kiai Adlan Ali.
The conflict caused a split in the umbrella organization of 'orthodox' tarekat,
the Jam`iyah Ahl al-Thariqah al-Mu`tabarah. This association had been founded
in 1957 and incorporated the major tarekat of East and Central Java. A later
document lists no less than 44 tarekat that are considered orthodox (mu`tabar,
literally 'respected'), but the vast majority of its members belonged to either
the Naqsyabandiyah or the Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah. The organization
apparently remained dormant until 1975, when it held a congress in Madiun that
was attended by virtually all important tarekat kiai. Kiai Musta'in's position
was still so strong that he was elected the Jam`iyah's president. Four years
later, in the margin of the 26th NU congress, the anti-Musta'in alliance held
its own tarekat congress, which was attended by many of the same kiai as that
of 1975. A new board, excluding Musta'in and those faithful to him, was elected
and in order to emphasize its loyalty to the Nahdlatul Ulama, added
'al-Nahdliyah' to the name of the association. Henceforth there were two
tarekat umbrella organizations, with almost identical names. Musta'in and,
after his death, his successors pretended that theirs was still the one
legitimate organization, but the Jam`iyah Ahl al-Thariqah al-Mu`tabarah
al-Nahdliyah was clearly the larger and more significant one. The latter
organization remained strongly dominated by Tebuireng.
Kiai Musta'in's Madurese followers found themselves in a dilemma after his
desertion to Golkar (in Madurese eyes perhaps even a worse sin than it was to
the Javanese). Some of his badal chose to attach themselves to Kiai
Usman in Surabaya, who was not involved in the affair at all, several others
joined Kiai Adlan Ali. Many followers apparently lost their interest in this
tarekat altogether. In 1984 both Musta'in and Usman died, and their successors
(Musta'in's younger brother Rifa'i and Usman's son Asrori) saw their following
decline even further.
The Tijaniyah made much progress among the Madurese in precisely those years.
We can only guess how many people actually left one tarekat for the other but
there must have been more than a few. I met several persons among the Madurese
Tijani who claimed that they had previously followed the Qadiriyah wa
Naqsyabandiyah. One young Tijani kiai, Badrut Tamam of Banyuates, told me his
father had been one of Musta'in Romly's badal, and he himself had studied
with Musta'in too before becoming a Tijani.[15]
The Naqsyabandiyah
The
Naqsyabandiyah, as said, has at present the widest distribution among the
Madurese, both in the island itself (where it is represented in all kabupaten)
and among the Madurese commmunities elsewhere. It is especially influential
among the Madurese of West Kalimantan. For over a half century now, Naqsyabandi
teachers from Madura have regularly visited this distant community to give it
spiritual guidance. A very high proportion of the Madurese here have joined the
Naqsyabandiyah; practising the tarekat is, to this community, an almost
indispensable part of life as a Muslim.
The Naqsyabandiyah has followers among the Javanese too, but these all belong
to a different branch of the brotherhood, known as the Khalidiyah,
whereas the Madurese teachers call their own branch the Mazhariyah.[16]
The first Madurese teacher of this branch was a certain Abdul Azim of
Bangkalan, who spent many years in Mecca in the late 19th century. He was
initiated into the Naqsyabandiyah and made a khalifah by Syaikh Muhammad
Salih al-Zawawi.
Snouck Hurgronje, in his celebrated book on Mecca (1889), speaks highly of this
Muhammad Salih, praising his seriousness and scholarship. In contrast to two
other Naqsyabandi syaikhs whom Snouck mentions with contempt (Sulaiman Efendi
and Khalil Efendi, the chief representatives of the Khalidiyah in Mecca),
Muhammad Salih only initiated a person into the tarekat when he was convinced
that the person had sufficient knowledge of formal Islam and lived according to
the syari`ah. The other syaikhs were so eager to increase their
following that they initiated all and sundry, and were quite generous with
appointments as khalifah. Sulaiman Efendi had numerous deputies
throughout Sumatra and Java, Muhammad Salih had only a few. His disciples were
mostly from the Pontianak and Riau sultanates, but the only community where his
branch of the Naqsyabandiyah lastingly took root was the Madurese. Many of the
Madurese visiting Mecca studied there with Muhammad Salih al-Zawawi's khalifah
Abdul Azim al-Manduri. After his return to Bangkalan, or possibly already in
Mecca, Abdul Azim appointed no less than four, perhaps even five khalifah
in the island. Most of these khalifah in turn appointed at least one
more khalifah. The relations between the teachers in this expanding
network remained more cordial and cooperative than has often been the case
elsewhere. A rather unique pattern developed where syaikhs visited each other's
disciples, and the followers considered several syaikhs simultaneously as their
preceptors.
In the absence of other documents, the silsilah of tarekat teachers
become valuable as sources of basic information. Most silsilah purport
to be straightforward chains of teacher-disciple links, from the Prophet
himself down to one's own teacher, and incorporating of course the names of the
founder and other leading personalities of the tarekat. Even if the
authenticity of some of the links in the chain may be doubted, the claim of a
specific spiritual ancestry is part of one's self-definition and therefore
relevant. The Madurese Naqsyabandi silsilah, as I discovered, are
slightly more complicated. Here follows for instance the silsilah of an
assistent teacher (wakil, equivalent with the East Javanese badal)
of the brotherhood in Singkawang, West Kalimantan. I copy only the part from
Syaikh Muhammad Salih down to the present khalifah, and add the place of
residence and year of death as told me by my informant:
Muhammad
Salih
Abdul
Azim (Bangkalan, d. 1916)
Kholil
Bangkalan (d. 1925)
Hasan
Basuni (Pakong, Pamekasan)
Zainal
Abidin (Kwanyar, Bangkalan; d. 1939)
Syabrawi (Prajan,
Sampang)
Jazuli (originating from Batu Ampar, residing in Tattangoh, Sampang)
Sirajuddin (Sampang)
Fathul Bari (Ombul, Sampang; d. in Paniraman, West Kalimantan in 1960)
Syamsuddin (Sumberanyar, Pamekasan)
Zainal Abidin (Ombul, Sampang)
Mahfudz (Kajuk, Sampang)
Darwisy (Ombul, Sampang)
Makshum (Kepanjen, South Malang)
This
is a surprisingly long pedigree to cover just a century, and it soon becomes
apparent that not every person listed was the disciple of his predecessor and
the teacher of the one following him. At the time of the interview, the last
four teachers of this silsilah were still alive, and my informant
considered them all as his teachers - they had all regularly visited West
Kalimantan and he had received instruction from each of them. Higher up in the silsilah,
Hasan Basuni, Zainal Abidin, Syabrawi and Jazuli were all four khalifah
of Abdul Azim himself.[17]
Normally only one of them would be listed in any silsilah; the inclusion
of them all appears to imply that they were considered collectively as the
embodiment of the tarekat. The appearance of Kiai Kholil (of Bangkalan) here is
anomalous; he probably never taught or even practiced this or any other
tarekat, and he may be included only because of his enormous prestige (cf note
3). His name, in fact, does not occur in the other Madurese Naqsyabandi silsilah
that I encountered.
The above silsilah, although mentioning several teachers in each
generation, contains only a part of all Madurese Naqsyabandi syaikhs. The silsilah
of other present-day teachers include some of the same names, alongside several
others. The various silsilah I collected, and additional information
supplied by the Madurese teachers whom I interviewed, may be combined in the
accompanying chart. The syaikhs are not only linked together by
teacher-disciple connections, but there are also numerous blood and affinal
ties between them. Within the network we may discern three clusters, with
slightly different geographical centres of gravity and with the late Fathul
Bari, Ali Wafa and Muhsin Aly, respectively, as the pivotal persons.
Fathul
Bari was the first Madurese Naqsyabandi teacher to visit the Madurese community
of West Kalimantan, in 1937. The community there originates mostly from
Sampang, and it is probably not accidental that it was a syaikh from the same
district who first thought of catering to the spiritual needs of these
transmigrants (or of spreading his influence overseas). He went back to West
Kalimantan regularly, staying for several months each time, guiding mystical
exercises in the major mosques and initiating large numbers into the tarekat.
When two of his disciples had made such progress that he could appoint them as
his khalifah (one of them had also been taken as a son-in-law), he sent
them also to Kalimantan, taking turns with himself. Kiai Mahfudz became a khalifah
in 1954, and remembers being sent there from the following year on.[18]
Zainal Abidin also went each year, and in the 1960s, when Fathul Bari himself
had already died, a third disciple started taking turns visiting Kalimantan.
This was Habib Muhsin Aly Al-Hinduan, who in several respects was the odd man
out in this company.[19]
There were then four teachers, each of whom spent some three months out of the
year in West Kalimantan. When Muhsin Aly died in 1980, Kiai Mahfudz' son,
Makshum, took over his share, and a few years later Zainal Abidin delegated his
own task to his brother-in-law and khalifah, Darwisy (who, after
performing the hajj, assumed the new name of Haji Isma'il). According to Kiai
Mahfudz, there are now in West Kalimantan some three hundred mosques affiliated
with the Naqsyabandiyah, and during their annual tours the teachers lead
mystical exercises in a different one every day.
Muhsin
Aly was not a Madurese but an Arab from Sumenep, born into a family claiming
descent from the Prophet. It is somewhat unusual for the Arabs in Indonesia to
join a tarekat (except for the family tarekat of the Hadrami sayyid, the
Ba`alawiyah). Muhsin Aly, however, studied the Naqsyabandiyah with several
teachers, at first with Sirajuddin, then with Fathul Bari, and finally with
Syamsuddin. The first two died before Muhsin Aly had received the desired
appointment as a khalifah, but the third at last granted it to him.
Muhsin Aly also regularly visited the most renowned of the other Naqsyabandi
teachers in Madura, Ali Wafa of Ambunten, and requested permission to teach
from Fathul Bari's successors Zainal Abidin and Mahfudz as well.[20]
This humble act allowed him to join the team that made annual tours to West
Kalimantan. A marriage with a sister of Kiai Mahfudz further strengthened his
links with the team.
Once recognized as a teacher in his own right, Muhsin Aly soon eclipsed his
colleagues, causing understandable irritations. The irritations developed into
open hostility when, towards the end of his life, Muhsin Aly began forbidding
his disciples to accept guidance in the tarekat from any other teacher, on the
grounds that his colleagues were still dilettantes themselves. It is probably
true that Habib Muhsin Aly was more of a scholar than his contemporary
Naqsyabandi colleagues, better versed in the Islamic sciences and in the
literature of his tarekat. He reissued a brief treatise by Abdul Azim
al-Manduri (which was in fact a Malay translation of a tract written by
Muhammad Salih al-Zawawi for his Indonesian disciples), and wrote several
booklets himself. By the mid-1970s, he was considered by far the most learned
ulama of West Kalimantan, and the most influential as well, not only among the
Madurese but among the Muslim population at large.[21]
His influence, in fact, did not remain restricted to Madura and West Kalimantan,
but communities of followers grew up elsewhere as well. I encountered such
communities in Banjarmasin and Ujung Pandang, and there may have been others.
His popularity suddenly decreased however, when he joined Golkar in the period
leading up to the 1977 elections. In those years, few kiai could afford to do
that with impunity, and Muhsin Aly ran into the same sort of problems as
Musta'in Romly. The Madurese are on the whole more strongly committed to the
Muslim political party PPP than most other ethnic groups, and Sampang is the
district giving it its staunchest support. True to their Sampang origins, the
Madurese of West Kalimantan too are quite fanatical in their embrace of PPP.
Muhsin Aly's brother-in-law and one-time teacher Mahfudz broke with him, and so
did a large share of his previous following. His name was even erased from the silsilah
quoted above, although my respondent had previously considered Muhsin Aly as
one of his teachers too.
Political disagreement and personal jealousies are hard to disentangle in the
conflict between Muhsin Aly and his fellow Naqsyabandi teachers. Ever more
isolated, his following began to assume the character of a sect. Not finding
anyone of sufficient calibre among his disciples, Muhsin Aly refused to appoint
a khalifah and died without leaving a successor behind. The really
faithful consider themselves still to be guided by his spirit, but many have
since his death sought a living guide. In West Kalimantan, some have returned
to the other teachers of the mobile team, while most of his followers in South
Sulawesi have adopted a more distantly related Madurese teacher as their guide,
Kiai Lathifi Baidowi of Gondanglegi (South Malang). Muhsin Aly's son Amin
spends much time among the remaining faithful, and claims to receive spiritual
instruction from his father in dreams. It is likely that he will some day dream
his appointment as the long-awaited successor.
The
third 'cluster' originates with Kiai Jazuli of Tattangoh (Pamekasan), who made
such a favourable impression on Schrieke, and who has also a very high
reputation among fellow ulama in Madura. Even established ulama did not
consider it beneath their dignity to ask him for religious instruction. Thus,
for instance, Kiai Idris of the large pesantren in Guluk-Guluk, who was
initiated into the Naqsyabandiyah by Kiai Jazuli (although he never taught it
to his own disciples). Jazuli's most influential disciple was Ali Wafa of
Ambunten on the north coast of Sumenep, who carved out a great reputation for himself
as well. Ali Wafa received his appointment as a khalifah, incidentally,
not from his teacher Jazuli but from Sirajuddin. The only direct khalifah
of Kiai Jazuli apparently is his own son Damanhuri, a relatively unknown
personality who leads a pesantren in Sampang (Touwen-Bouwsma 1988:217).
Kiai Ali Wafa died in 1976 and does not have a successor of the same
reputation. His most prominent khalifah in Madura itself was Kiai Abdul
Wahid Khudzaifah of Omben (Pamekasan), whose father Khudzaifah was, according
to the son, a khalifah of Ahmad Syabrawi and one of Ali Wafa's teachers.
A younger brother of Abdul Wahid's, Sya'duddin, was also made a khalifah,
and so was, surprisingly perhaps, a sister, Thobihah. She taught the tarekat,
obviously, to female disciples only.[22]
All three have recently died.
Whereas Fathul Bari and his successors expanded the tarekat among the Madurese
of West Kalimantan, Ali Wafa and Abdul Wahid spread it among those of East Java
and the islands further east. Abdul Wahid made annual visits to the fishing
community of Muncar south of Banyuwangi and to the island of Sapudi, and used
to visit the Surabaya region monthly. He further claimed to have disciples in
Singaraja on Bali's north coast.[23]
Another khalifah of Ali Wafa, whose influence is gradually increasing,
is Kiai Lathifi Baidowi of Gondanglegi (south Malang). Although only appointed
a few months before Ali Wafa's death, Lathifi was not really a newcomer. His
father Baidowi was a younger brother of Fathul Bari, who like numerous others left
his native Sampang and settled in southern Malang in the 1920s. Lathifi studied
the Naqsyabandiyah with several teachers in Madura, Syamsuddin, Sirajuddin and
the latter's son Mawardi, but finally received his authorisation to teach the
tarekat from Ali Wafa. He took additional training from Habib Muhsin Aly
Al-Hinduan and thus is related to all three Madurese Naqsyabandiyah clusters.[24]
Kiai Lathifi has groups of followers among the Madurese communities all over
Java's Eastern Salient, primarily in the Malang, Pasuruan and Situbondo
districts. More recently, he has also gained a following among the Madurese of
West Kalimantan and, as said above, after Habib Muhsin Aly's death the majority
of his Bugis and Makassarese disciples have adopted Kiai Lathifi as their new
teacher.
The Tijaniyah
The
latest of the great, international tarekat to enter Madura was the Tijaniyah.
This tarekat had earlier, in the late 1920s, been introduced into West Java and
had caused considerable controversies in the Cirebon region (discussed in
detail in Pijper 1934). Many ulama were angered by claims that devotees of the
Tijaniyah will be treated with distinction on the Day of Judgment (or more
explicitly, that they and their descendants down to the seventh generation will
be guaranteed entry into Paradise), and that the merit accumulated by
recitation of the salawat al-fatih, a Tijani prayer, is equivalent to
that of thousands of recitations of the entire Qur'an. Followers of the
Tijaniyah were moreover required to give up all affiliations with other
(tarekat) teachers, which in the eyes of rival syaikhs was unfair business
practice.
The sixth congress of the Nahdlatul Ulama, held in Cirebon in 1931, was
dominated by discussions concerning the orthodoxy of the Tijaniyah. It was a
sensitive issue, for the chief teacher of this tarekat in the Cirebon region,
Kiai Anas of Buntet, was a younger brother of the NU's most important pillar of
support in the western part of Java, Kiai Abbas of Buntet, and the opponents of
the tarekat were influential men as well. A diplomatic solution was reached, in
which the congress declared the devotions of the Tijaniyah all to be orthodox,
while remaining silent about the tarekat's more extreme claims.
The tarekat came to Madura not from western Java, however, but directly from
Arabia. Two young Madurese kiai, Jauhari and Chozin, received initiations into
the Tijaniyah during their studies in Mecca and returned to Madura as teachers
(muqaddam)[25]
in the 1930s. Jauhari came back to succeed his father, Kiai Chotib, who led a
pesantren in Prenduan, and Chozin settled in Beladu, in Probolinggo district.
Both apparently were rather prudent in their propagation of the tarekat,
teaching the doctrines that had caused such an uproar in Cirebon to initiates
only, and explaining them metaphorically. Conflicts similar to those in Cirebon
never occurred here, and the activities of the tarekat went almost unnoticed.[26]
Chozin initiated a fair number of people in the Probolinggo district into the
tarekat, and after some time appointed two other muqaddam, Kiai Ahmad
Taufik Hidayatullah of Genggong (Kraksaan) and his own younger brother,
Muchlas. Jauhari designated his eldest son, Tijani, as his successor in tarekat
matters and appointed two other muqaddam, Jamaluddin Abdussomad in
Kapedi and Mushab Fatawi in Prenduan.
Kiai Jauhari was in several respects more progressive than most of the other
Madurese kiai. He sent his sons to study at the modern pesantren in Gontor, and
stimulated them later to expand the pesantren in Prenduan with an institution
for higher Islamic learning, following the Gontor model. Like his father,
Tijani continued his studies in Mecca. He did not confine his contacts there to
the traditionalist environment, and later became a staff member of the
(Saudi-sponsored) World Islamic League (rabitah al-`alam al-islami). He
furthermore strengthened the ties with Gontor by marrying the daugher of its
kiai, Imam Zarkasyi. Kiai Tijani also ensured that the Islamic school in
Prenduan became one of the very few Indonesian pesantren whose diplomas are
recognized by the Saudi state universities Umm al-Qura (Mecca) and Islamic
University (Medina). After his father's death, Tijani did not return to
Prenduan but continued his work and studies in Arabia. Continually absent, he
obviously had no occasion to lead the tarekat activities in Madura himself
(many in fact wondered whether his prolonged absence perhaps reflected a
disinclination to act as a tarekat teacher). This task was delegated to the
said two other muqaddam, Jamaluddin Abdussomad and Mushab Fatawi
(Driyantono 1987:14-7). Even after his definitive return in 1989, Tijani left
the guidance of tarekat students to Jamaluddin.
The association of the Prenduan kiai with Islamic modernism and puritanism
(Gontor and the World Islamic League) is hardly what one might expect of
tarekat teachers. Muslim modernists and puritans are commonly quite opposed to
the mystical brotherhoods, especially to the popular devotional practices often
associated with them. When the Saudi family came to power in Mecca and Medina,
lodges of the brotherhoods were closed down and the shrines of their syaikhs
destroyed. The Tijaniyah, however, is one of those brotherhoods that were part
of a wider reformist movement of the late 18th and 19th century, that has
become known as 'neo-Sufism'. Fazlur Rahman, who coined the term, defines it
summarily as 'Sufism reformed on orthodox lines and interpreted in an activist
sense' (1979:206). Although the whole concept of neo-Sufism is not uncontested,[27]
it is true that the Tijaniyah has much in common with other reformist
movements, for instance its opposition to saint cults and ecstatic practices.
As for activism, in its expansion through West Africa the Tijaniyah proved
itself a very militant movement, that fiercely fought animist practices (as
well as the rival, and more traditional, Qadiriyah brotherhood). In republican
Turkey, a small group of Tijani were the first Muslims to openly challenge the
Kemalist secularist regime, around 1950 (Abun-Nasr 1965). The West Javanese
Tijani Kiai Badruzzaman of Garut took part in the early phases of the Darul
Islam movement and presided over its Islamic court.
The compatibility of the Tijaniyah with Islamic reformism should not be
exaggerated, however. None less than Rashid Rida wrote a treatise severely
condemning it (Abun-Nasr 1965:177-8). In Saudi Arabia the Tijaniyah is, like
other tarekat, not officially permitted, although the attitude of the
authorities appears a little more lenient than towards other tarekat.
After
an unremarked existence for almost half a century, the Tijaniyah suddenly
became the object of a new controversy in the early 1980s (Abdurrahman 1988,
1990). The formal arguments were the same as those of the Cirebon debate
(Pijper 1934) but this time the debate was carried on by Madurese kiai, and
with great fierceness. It was a response to the rapid growth that the tarekat
had recently achieved among relatively uneducated Madurese, especially in the
Pasuruan-Probolinggo area and in Bangkalan and Surabaya. The growth was
apparently at the expense of some established teachers of the earlier
brotherhoods. Others were irritated by the style of some of the Tijani
teachers, especially the young Kiai Badri Masduqi of Kraksaan. Kiai Badri had
joined the Tijaniyah only around 1980 and owed his initiation to Muhammad bin
Yusof of Surabaya, who then was the leading Tijani muqaddam for East
Java and Madura.
Muhammad bin Yusof had received a first initiation into the tarekat in Mecca,
but he owed his appointment as a muqaddam to the Cirebonese Kiai Khawi,
the son-in-law of Kiai Abbas of Buntet. His leadership gave the tarekat a new
élan in the region and he made numerous disciples. Kiai Badri is only one of
several muqaddam appointed by Muhammad bin Yusof; others include Kiai
Fauzan Fathullah in Sidogiri (Pasuruan), Habib Ja'far in Brani (Pajarakan,
Probolinggo), Badrut Tamam in Banyuates (north Sampang), and Umar Baidhowi in
Surabaya, who became Muhammad bin Yusof's successor after his death in 1984.
Although the tarekat presently has numerous followers in Bangkalan, there is no
muqaddam there; the district was ministered by Muhammad bin Yusof
himself, and now by Umar Baidhowi.
The first opposition to the Tijaniyah came from the Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah
syaikh Usman al-Ishaqi, mentioned above, whose following belonged to the same
stratum in which Muhammad bin Yusof was recruiting. It was due to Kiai Badri's
behaviour and aggressive recruitment of new disciples, however, that a serious
conflict broke out, which was to last several years. There are various accounts
of the origins of the conflict, but all involve fierce competition for
disciples and hurt feelings on the part of teachers who lost followers to the
Tijaniyah.[28]
It is common enough for people who already are initiated into a tarekat (or
other spiritual discipline) to try out other teachers and seek additional
initiations. Once initiated into the Tijaniyah, however, one has to renounce
all previous affiliations. The Tijaniyah cannot, at least in theory, be
combined with other tarekat; it does not allow its followers to visit shrines
or other holy sites or to accept instruction in other spiritual disciplines.
For the teachers this therefore became a zero-sum game: any gain of disciples
for one meant a loss for the other. And a loss of disciples also meant a loss
of income, for an essential ingredient of the relation between kiai and
disciple is the 'salam tempel', a handshake in which some money changes
hands.
It is interesting to note that the Tijaniyah of Prenduan and Sumenep never
became involved in the conflict. Both parties in the conflict were affiliated
and had strong primordial ties with the Nahdlatul Ulama. Kiai Jauhari of
Prenduan and his sons and dependents had always stood aloof from political
organizations - which perhaps also meant that they exerted less attraction on
NU sympathizers and represented less of a threat than the more recent
NU-affiliated Tijaniyah propagandists.[29]
A loose anti-Tijaniyah alliance gradually emerged in East Java, the leading
personality of which was Kiai As'ad Syamsul Arifin of Situbondo. Kiai As'ad was
the most senior Madurese ulama, and was gaining national renown as the grand
old man of the NU. He hosted a national conference of NU ulama in 1983 and the
27th NU congress in 1984, which was generally seen as a recognition of his
importance in the organization (for a more sceptical interpretation, see van
Bruinessen 1991). Kiai As'ad felt the progress of the Tijaniyah threatening his
own authority, and he attacked it head-on, using all the influence he could
muster. He dug up an anti-Tijaniyah treatise that had played an important part
in the polemic of the 1920s and had it reprinted and widely circulated, both in
the original Arabic and in a Madurese translation.[30]
The 1984 NU congress was, like the previous one in 1979, accompanied by a
separate congress of the NU-affiliated tarekat (the Jam`iyah Ahl al-Thariqah al-Mu`tabarah
al-Nahdliyah, mentioned above). Tijani kiai were not even invited to the
congress, and a concerted effort was made there to deny the Tijaniyah the
status of mu`tabar ('respectable', 'orthodox') and to have it expelled
from the organization. The effort failed because some of the participants were
reluctant to revoke the decision taken by the 1931 NU congress.
The Tijaniyah -- or rather Kiai Badri and his senior Kiai Muchlas (Kiai
Chozin's younger brother) -- set in a counter-offensive. Whenever Badri's first
rival Kiai Hasan Syaifurrijal or one of Kiai As'ad's men delivered a public
sermon somewhere, Badri or Muchlas would appear there within a few days to
address the public too. The intellectual of the Madurese Tijaniyah, Kiai Fauzan
Fathullah of Sidogiri, wrote an apologetic book in defense of the tarekat
(Fathullah 1985) that was also rather widely distributed. Though it did not
directly answer the attack by Dahlan, this book was effective because it showed
that scriptural defense of the tarekat was possible. (Only few of the followers
would be able to understand the arguments in the polemic anyway). The Tijaniyah
made a show of strength by turning a minor annual celebration into a national
convention of muqaddam and a mass meeting for the followers. In July
1985, 15,000 tarekat followers joined in the first of these mass meetings.[31]
The numbers increased year by year, with ever more followers from West and
Central Java taking part.
It was the muqaddam from West and Central Java who did their best to
deflate the tension in East Java and break through the isolation of their
tarekat. They attempted to open a dialogue with Muslim circles outside the
tarekat world, inviting outsiders to their annual meetings. They lobbied within
the NU for more explicit recognition by leading personalities. At the same time
they attempted to reduce Kiai Badri's prominence in favour of more moderate muqaddam,
notably Kiai Umar Baidhowi. Kiai As'ad had meanwhile been making more enemies
in the NU, and one of these enemies, Idham Chalid, became increasingly
prominent in the tarekat association (van Bruinessen 1991). The convenors of
the 1989 congress of 'mu`tabar' tarekat invited the Tijani kiai and made
sure that there was no further debate on this brotherhood. The Tijaniyah thus
was implicitly accepted into the fold again. Kiai As'ad remained adamant but
died in 1990. In August 1991, the Tijaniyah held a triumphal celebration in the
Senayan Stadium in Jakarta, with vice-president Sudharmono as one of the guests
of honour. There was little that was specifically Tijani about this celebration
anymore; the major speakers were nationally famous preachers not affiliated
with any tarekat. The Tijaniyah appeared to have overcome its isolation from
the traditionalist mainstream.
Conclusion
The
Madurese are known for their devotion to their kiai (Javanese kiai speak of it
with a mixture of mockery and envy). Mystical-magical prowess is highly valued,
and most Madurese kiai engage at least in some forms of traditional healing
(cf. Santoso 1980:78-9, 142-3). The average tarekat teacher has both more
numerous and more devoted followers that the average non-tarekat kiai. Besides
genuine interest in Sufism, a kiai may also have very mundane reasons for
joining and teaching a tarekat.
Around 1920, the Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah was the most widespread tarekat in
the island, although some of the most prominent ulama already adhered to the
Naqsyabandiyah. The latter tarekat appears to have made much progress during
the following decades, gradually replacing the other tarekat as well as the
more syncretic local mystical traditions in Central and to some extent in East
Madura.[32]
The Tijaniyah first gained a foothold among the Madurese in the 1930s, in
Prenduan and in the Probolinggo district. It experienced a second period of
growth in the 1970s and early 1980s, this time in part at the expense of the
Naqsyabandiyah and the Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah. The cohesion of the
last-named tarekat had suffered due to the conflicts surrounding one of its
major teachers, Kiai Musta'in Romly, who had deserted the NU for Golkar.
The Madurese kiai constitute an almost caste-like stratum, bound together by
links of common descent and marriage. This does not prevent the emergence of
conflicts; but it is remarkable that the challengers of established authorities
usually hail from the same stratum themselves. The most striking of the
conflicts mentioned above, Kiai Badri Masduqi's challenging Kiai As'ad, is a
case in point. Badri was not an upstart trying to make his mark in the
pesantren world. His father Masduqi had been a kiai too, whose reputation for kesaktian
only increased when he mysteriously disappeared a few months before Badri's
birth. Badri's mother, too, has religious learning; she teaches in Prenduan.
Kiai Jauhari, to whom she is related by blood, even made her a muqaddamah,
licensed to teach the Tijaniyah to female disciples. What is more, Badri's
mother is also a full cousin of Kiai As'ad. The conflict is very much one
within the family!
At the same time, however, the conflicts mentioned have had wider implications
and show that tarekat and politics are intimately connected. Up to 1984, when
the NU disengaged itself from the PPP, the kiai who, like Musta'in Romly,
deserted this party for Golkar were branded as traitors and suffered
delegitimation resulting in a noticeable loss of popularity. Political
realignment resulted in an overhaul of the internal organization of the
tarekat.
The firebrand Kiai Badri Masduqi is not only a vigorous propagandist of the
tarekat Tijaniyah, he is also staunch supporter of the PPP and one of its major
props in its East Javanese election campaigns. There is, obviously, not a sharp
separation of these two roles. Kiai Badri's local rival, Kiai Hasan of the pesantren
at Genggong, allied himself too early (i.e., before 1984) with Golkar,
receiving generous government support but rapidly losing much of his following
- at least in part to Kiai Badri. His uncle Kiai As'ad hosted the 1984 congress
at which the NU decided to disengage itself from PPP and also cultivated
friendly relations with General Bennie Moerdani. This automatically gave the
conflict between Kiai Badri (who remained an outspoken supporter of PPP) and
Kiai As'ad also a political dimension. This in turn may have facilitated the
Tijaniyah's re-acceptance among the mu`tabar tarekat, whose leadership
also remained strongly committed to PPP.[33]
The development of the tarekat in Madura also appears to reflect a gradual
movement towards greater orthodoxy (or stronger orientation towards the syari`ah),
but this is far from unequivocal. In some places, the Naqsyabandiyah replaced
the local syncretistic mystical tradition and thus effectively acted as a
reformist movement (cf Touwen-Bouwsma 1988:222-3). Kiai Jauhari, who brought
the Tijaniyah to East Madura, was clearly a reformist, both in doctrinal
matters and in education, and his son and official successor is often called a
Wahhabi. And Kiai Badri himself, at least, perceived his conflict with his
uncle in the same light, claiming that As'ad was only a specialist in kesaktian
with little orthodox bookish learning, while Badri himself was well-read, in
Tijani literature and tasawwuf in general as well as in fiqh, Islamic
jurisprudence. However, we should not exaggerate the pervasiveness of this
reformism and its impact on Madurese society. Kiai Badri reputedly owes his
considerable land holdings to income from his successful practice as a tabib,
a healer using Islamic magic. Much of the respect that he enjoys is due to his
alleged strong spiritual powers rather than his knowledge of the Law.
Bibliography
Abdullah,
Hawash
1980
Perkembangan ilmu tasawuf dan tokoh-tokohnya di Nusantara. Surabaya: Al Ikhlas.
Abdurrahman, Moeslim
1988
'Tijaniyah, tarekat yang dipersoalkan?', Pesantren V no. 4, pp. 80-89.
1990
'Die Tijaniyya in Indonesien: orthodox oder häretisch?', in: Werner Kraus (ed),
Islamische mystische Bruderschaften im heutigen Indonesien, pp. 131-144.
Hamburg: Institut für Asienkunde.
Abun-Nasr, Jamil M.
1965
The Tijaniyya: a Sufi order in the modern world. London etc.: Oxford
University Press.
Alhinduan,
K.H.S. Muhsin Aly
1976
'Mustika thariqat Naqsyabandiyah Muz-hariyah'. Mimeographed re-edition, Ujung
Pandang.
Asmoro, Wirjo
1926
'Iets over
de "adat" der Madoereezen', Djawa 6, pp. 251-262.
Bouvier, Hélène
1989
'Musik dan seni pertunjukan di kabupaten Sumenep', in: Huub de Jonge (ed), Agama,
kebudayaan dan ekonomi, pp. 207-227. Jakarta: Rajawali.
van Bruinessen, Martin
1988
'De tarekat in Indonesië: tussen rebellie en aanpassing', in: C. van Dijk (ed),
Islam en politiek in Indonesië, pp. 69-85. Muiderberg: Coutinho.
1989
'Tarekat Qadiriyah dan ilmu Syeikh Abdul Qadir Jilani di India, Kurdistan, dan
Indonesia', Ulumul Qur'an (Jakarta) Vol.2 No.2, pp. 68-77.
1990
'The origins and development of the Naqshbandi order in Indonesia', Der
Islam 67, pp. 150-179.
1991
'The 28th congress of the Nahdlatul Ulama: Power struggle and social concerns',
Archipel 41, pp. 185-200.
1994
Tarekat Naqsyabandiyah di Indonesia. Survei historis, geografis
dan sosiologis. Second
revised edition. Bandung: Mizan. (English version forthcoming at KITLV-Press,
Leiden).
Dhofier,
Zamakhsyari
1980
The pesantren tradition. Ph.D. thesis, Australian National University,
Canberra.
1982
Tradisi pesantren. Studi tentang pandangan hidup kyai. Jakarta: LP3ES.
Drewes, G.W.J. and Poerbatjaraka
1938
De mirakelen van Abdoelkadir Djaelani. Bandoeng: A.C. Nix & Co.
Driyantono
1987
'Pandangan dan sikap hidup ulama di Madura - Jawa Timur'. Unpublished research
report, Jakarta: LIPI.
Fathullah,
H.A. Fauzan
1985
Alquthbul Maktuum Saiyidul Awliyaa Syeikh Ahmad Attijaniy dan thariqatnya
Attijaniyah. N.p.[Pasuruan].
Hendra
1984
Sejarah-surat-wasiyat ijazah bai`at (janji thariqat) dari Kyahi Haji Romli
kepada Musta'in Romli (in Arabic script). Jombang.
de Jonge, Huub
1988
Handelaren en handlangers. Ondernemerschap, economische ontwikkeling en Islam
op Madura. Dordrecht: Foris.
Jordaan,
Roy E.
1985
Folk medicine in Madura (Indonesia). Ph.D. thesis, Leiden.
Junaidi,
Arifin
1988
'Kiai Khalil: misteri dari Bangkalan', Amanah (Jakarta) no. 42,
supplement, pp. i-vii.
Kumar,
Ann
1985
The diary of a Javanese Muslim. Religion, politics and the pesantren 1883-1886.
Canberra: Faculty of Asian Studies, Australian National University.
Kuntowijoyo
1980
Social change in an agrarian society: Madura, 1850-1940. Ph.D. thesis,
Columbia University, New York.
1989
'Agama Islam dan politik: gerakan-gerakan Sarekat Islam lokal di Madura,
1913-1920', in: Huub de Jonge (ed), Agama, kebudayaan dan ekonomi:
studi-studi interdisipliner tentang masyarakat Madura, pp. 31-82. Jakarta: Rajawali.
Lombard, Denys
1986
'Les tarékat en Insulinde', in: A. Popovic and G. Veinstein (eds), Les
ordres mystiques dans l'Islam: cheminements et situation actuelle, pp.
139-163. Paris:
École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales.
Madjid,
Nurcholish
1979
'Pondok pesantren "Darul Ulum" di Rejoso, Peterongan, Jombang, Jawa
Timur', Bulletin Proyek Penelitian Agama dan Perubahan Sosial
(LEKNAS-LIPI), no. 6, pp. 40-101.
Mansurnoor,
Iik Arifin
1990
Islam in an Indonesian world: Ulama of Madura. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada
University Press.
O'Fahey,
R.S. and Bernd Radtke
1993
'Neo-Sufism reconsidered', Der Islam 70, 52-87.
Pijper, G.F.
1934
'De opkomst der Tidjaniyyah op Java', in: G.F. Pijper, Fragmenta Islamica,
pp. 97-121. Leiden: Brill.
Rahman, Fazlur
1979[1966] Islam.
Second edition. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press.
Santoso,
Amir
1980
The ulamas as political elites: a case study of the Madurese ulamas.
Master's thesis, Universiti Sains Malaysia, Penang.
Schrieke, B.J.O.
1919
'Aanteekeningen over Madura'. Handschrift no. 885, KITLV, Leiden.
1975[1920] 'Keresidenan
Madura', in: Sartono Kartodirdjo (ed), Sarekat Islam lokal, pp. 308-323.
Jakarta: Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia.
Shellabear, William G.
1933
'A Malay treatise on popular Sufi practices', in: The MacDonald presentation
volume, pp. 351-370. Princeton University Press.
Snouck Hurgronje, C.
1889
Mekka. 2. Band. Aus dem heutigen Leben. 's Gravenhage: Nijhoff.
1893-94
De Atjèhers. 2 vols. Batavia: Landsdrukkerij / Leiden: Brill.
Touwen-Bouwsma, Cornelia
1988
Staat, Islam en lokale leiders in West Madura, Indonesië. Een
historisch-anthropologische studie. Kampen: Mondiss (Ph.D. thesis, Leiden).
Usman [bin] Nadi, Muhammad (Sawahpulo, Surabaya)
n.d.
Tsamarah al-fikriyah, risalah fi silsilah al-tariqatain al-qadiriyah wa
al-naqsyabandiyah. Rejoso, Jombang.
Vredenbregt, Jacob
1968
De Baweanners in hun moederland en in Singapore. Ph.D. thesis, Leiden.
Wahid, Abdurrahman
1989
'Janji sorga', in: Nurcholish Madjid, Abdul Gafur and Abdurrahman Wahid, Dalam
pelita hati, pp. 208-9. Jakarta: Pustaka Kartini.
[1]Mansurnoor (1990:209) mentions yet another tarekat, the `Ulwiyah,
which has a small following in Madura and is represented by only one mursyid
(spiritual preceptor), in the Bettet district of Pamekasan. This may be a
branch of the "Naqsabandi 'Uluwiyah", a sect established in 1954 by a
certain Haji Syekh Abdul Hayyi Muhyiddin al-Amien of Malang. In spite of the
name, it has no apparent relation with the Naqsyabandiyah; judging from its
published materials, it seems rather a somewhat islamicised kebatinan
sect. See the discussion in the final chapter of my forthcoming book on the
Naqsyabandiyah.
[2]Bouvier (1989:221), however, suggests an alternative etymology of the term samman,
from (Arabic) sama` with the suffix -an. Sama`, which
literally means 'listening', refers in the context of Sufism specifically to
listening to music and/or poetry (and in some cases also dancing) as a
spiritual technique; it is not specifically associated with any one
tarekat. In East Java, the term sama'an (which is in pronunciation
easily distinguished from samman) refers at present to public recitals
of the (entire) Qur'an.
[3]On Kiai Kholil, see the reverent biography by Junaidi (1988) and the
observations in Dhofier 1982:91-2 (where the names of some of his influential
students are given). Kiai Kholil's grave near Bangkalan is one of the major
places of pilgrimage in Madura, visited not only by Madurese but by numerous
Javanese and Sundanese as well. Because of his great reputation, several
tarekat teachers claim him as their spiritual ancestor too (see below). His
descendants Kiai Abdullah Sahal of Demangan and Kiai Khalil Yasin of Kepang
(both in Bangkalan) insist, however, that he never joined any tarekat.
[4]The Sammaniyah, which was mentioned in passing above, is another such
composite tarekat, combining elements from the Khalwatiyah, Syadziliyah,
Qadiriyah and Naqsyabandiyah. In fact,
